People's of Israel Blog Post #2 - Why do some Israelis feel that even though they are citizens, the Israeli government does not respect their community, or the dominant Ashkenazic Jewish Israeli society does not regard them as “authentic Israelis”?

              Even today, issues of authentic “Jewish-ness” are posed to Hiloni and Masorti in Israel from those of more religious Jewish groups like the Hareidi and Datl. Because these more secular or traditional groups do not strictly eat kosher, observe the sabbath, or dress modestly most orthodox or ultra-orthodox do not truly consider these less religious Jews to be legitimate. Similarly, these prejudices and perceptions are placed on and against Ethiopian Jews in Israel. They are often based on racial discrimination more so than religious discrimination, like secular Jews in Israel. Arriving in Ethiopia around the 12^th century. Jews in these parts relied on oral traditions and prayers rather than written traditions. When emigrating to Israel since the 20^th century and especially in the famous exiles via airplanes in 1991, Ethiopians have slowly began assimilating and learning ­­­Israeli traditions that developed after losing contact with Israel.

            Ethiopians like Solomon Ezra, would likely agree that Ethiopians are often treated unfairly in Israeli society. (Rosenthal 156) Ezra detailed his experience with racism from one officer while serving in the Israeli air force. He was called kushi a term that is Hebrew slang for “black” and frequent stares while serving because he was one of the only Africans serving in the Israel Defense Force that they had met. Though he served Israel like most other non-orthodox Israeli’s do, he was still treated as “less than” in the IDF Similarly, Ezra tells of his experience in a Hasidic synagogue over Rosh Hashana, as he prayed in Hebrew and people stared at him, again for being different than them, though sharing a similar religion. Rosenthal also highlights the immense struggle that Ethiopians face beyond racial differences/discrimination, like their move from a preindustrial village to a highly urban and postindustrial country. (Rosenthal 157)

Though, some people may argue that Ethiopian immigrants receive the most subsidies and benefits when arriving to Israel, like grants for mortgages and public housing, they often come with very little. (Rosenthal 158) It is true that the Israeli government invests four times more into Ethiopian immigrants than other immigrants. (Rosenthal 158) But they often come nearly starved, escaping a famine and fleeing a violent civil war, unlike the educated and often wealthy Russian immigrants from the early 90’s. Additionally, most come alone, or with little extended family and are forced to adapt to this highly modernized society. (Rosenthal 157)

Students like Menberu Shimon, who came with no money or parents to Israel described the educational discrimination he faced. Because of an Israeli policy, him, and many other Ethiopian children were placed in religious boarding schools. At these schools, Ethiopian children were taught to be ashamed of their culture, isolated from their traditions, and put in lower-level classes, often with “problemed” students. (Rosenthal 160) Teachers at these schools were extremely biased towards them because Ethiopian Jews sacrificed goats on Passover and do place mezuzot’s on doors. These differences in religious practices along with racial differences contribute to the reality that the Israeli government often does not regard Ethiopian Jews as “real” Jews, and treats them as “other.” (Rosenthal 161

            As these stories of racial and educational discrimination come to light, so do other kinds of discrimination face Ethiopians, especially regarding wedding certificates. The article published in The Times of Israel, “Ethiopians unable to wed in Petah Tikva, whererabbis doubt their Jewishness” examines the frequent rejection of Ethiopians. Even after converting to Orthodox Judaism and presenting the proper paperwork, Ethiopian Shega was denied by a rabbinic registrar and told to register somewhere else. This is not uncommon for many Ethiopian Jews in Israel. According to the same article by Tamar Pileggi, Shega told journalists that at least 30 Ethiopian Israelis experienced the same rejection. Some Ethiopians, like those from the Beta Israel community are usually not rejected in this manner, since most are regarded as “real” Jews since they were never Christians unlike those of the Falash Mura community. This denial of registering for marriage is unfair to Ethiopians since, under Israeli law, the Rabbinate is the only legal form of marriage for Jews.

photo of an Ethiopian Jewish couple seen posing for a wedding photographer next to the Old City Walls in Jerusalem. 

One solution to this issue was posed by a non-profit organization in Tzochar to create another municipal building as an alternative to the current rabbinate, and to counteract the current Isreali governments and community. This consideration of a new office for Ethiopian-Jews would actually evade the current religious authority in power, reducing the effort necessary for an Ethiopian to register for marriage. Likely, this new office would decrease the discrimination that Ethiopian-Jews face and make it a universal and legal right for all to be married, regardless of previous religious affiliation or previous nationality.  

            Much like Ethiopian-Jews in Israel, Druze also feel like they are not authentic Israelis in their present society. But for different reasons, not based on race but religion. In The Times of Israel, “Netanyahu Vows to Empower Druze: ‘You are part of us, weare part of you” by the TOI Staff discusses the controversy over the passage of the a quasi-constitutional law that protected and declared Israel as a nation-state of the Jewish people. This poses several issues for Druze communities which feel excluded from potential discriminatory laws that unjustly favor Jews over non-Jews in Israel. This is unfair for many Druze since most Israeli-Druze serve in the IDF, the national military, but may not be seen as equals in the eyes of the Israeli government. Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu was quoted in this article as mentioning his effort to bridge the gap of opportunity for Druze and Jews. As a result of its passage, many Druze have begun petitions and demonstrated a mass disagreement against it, including repealing their support for Netanyahu’s government/administration the 2015 election. Furthermore, budgets in municipalities in Druze communities are often already smaller than that of their Jewish counterparts, including money for infrastructure and development according to Rami Zeedan, a historian of the Druze people in Israel. Lastly, Druze often feel neglected under Israeli government since they are not given more land to live and build on, though their population has grown ten-times since 1948.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu greets Druze spiritual leader Sheikh Muafak Tarif at his office in Jerusalem on August 1, 2018

            Netanyahu and the Israeli government often boast about being a democratic nation but often unfairly discriminate against non-Jews in society. Even Ethiopian Jews are seen as “less than”, not authentic enough, or not Jewish enough. It is completely valid that groups like Druze and Ethiopians feel disrespected by their government and by Israeli society as a whole.